As Kerala gears up for local body polls this year and assembly elections next year, the BJP’s national leadership has made a strategic move by appointing media mogul Rajeev Chandrasekhar to lead the party in the state—much to the dismay of its perpetually squabbling local chieftains.
The selection of Chandrasekhar, an Ahmedabad-born, Bangalore-based technocrat with roots in Thrissur, came as a surprise to the state BJP leadership. Many within the party view him as an elite "outsider" with limited understanding of Kerala’s complex socio-political and religious dynamics. They grumble that his `local connect' is poor.
However, Chandrasekhar is no political lightweight. A three-time Rajya Sabha MP and former junior minister in Narendra Modi’s second administration, he came tantalisingly close to winning the Thiruvananthapuram Lok Sabha seat in the last general election. Running a campaign with the precision of a corporate product launch, he nearly unseated Congress veteran Shashi Tharoor, losing by just 16,000 votes.
The BJP’s national leadership, known for its meticulous planning and long-term electoral calculations, seems to have made this decision well in advance. Of course, the party went through the motions of a ‘democratic’ election for the state party chief in Thiruvananthapuram on Sunday.
Chandrasekhar’s appointment signals the BJP’s no-holds-barred intent to gain a stronger foothold in Kerala—both in next year’s assembly elections and in the upcoming local body polls. For decades, the party has struggled to break into Kerala’s bipolar political landscape, long dominated by the Congress and the CPI(M). Despite Hindus making up 55% of the state’s population, the BJP has found the state a tough nut to crack.
However, recent developments have given the party hope. It has been actively courting Kerala’s economically and socially influential Christian community, capitalising on growing tensions between Christians and Muslims. The victory of actor-turned-politician Suresh Gopi in Thrissur in the 2024 Lok Sabha election is seen as an early success in this strategy. Chandrasekhar, too, had quietly built bridges with Christian leaders and bishops during the election campaign.
Given the church’s growing pro-BJP inclination, Chandrasekhar is likely to be more acceptable to Christian leaders than Kerala’s traditional BJP hardliners. His background—a blend of corporate savvy, political acumen, and privileged class and caste credentials—further strengthens his appeal.
His image as a technocrat-businessman, along with his national connections and urbane manner, could help the BJP attract Kerala’s aspirational youth and middle-class voters—segments that have historically leaned towards the LDF.
Chandrasekhar’s career trajectory adds to his credibility. After earning a master’s in computer science from the Illinois Institute of Technology in Chicago, he worked briefly as a design engineer at the chip-maker Intel before returning to India in 1991 to work for the BPL Group. In 1994, he founded BPL Mobile, which went on to become a major telecom operator. In 2005, he sold his 64% stake in BPL Communications to the Essar Group for $1.1 billion. He then launched Jupiter Capital, a venture investment and financial services firm, which owns the highly influential Asianet media group.
In Kerala, Chandrasekhar is known more as the boss of the Asianet television network than as a politician. His Jupiter Capital acquired a majority stake in the Asianet company in 2006, marking a turning point in the life of the media company. He turned the company around and set up several verticals. He reportedly controls 87 percent share of Asianet News Network Private Limited and through this company he controls Asianet News, making him a very influential media baron. He has also made strategic investments in other media outlets, such as the right-wing Republic TV.
Now, with the reins of the BJP in Kerala in his hands, Chandrasekhar faces his biggest challenge yet—translating his business acumen into political success in a state that has long resisted the saffron surge. His lack of local connect, of course, is a handicap.
